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El Salvador is a democracy so it's not surprising that there are many voices to be heard here. Yet in my conversations with Salvadorans... I have heard a single voice. -- Vice President Dan Quayle

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It has often been said that in the United States the Constitution is what the Supreme Court says it is. In Great Britain, however, the Constitution is what Parliament says it is. The British Constitution is not a single document as is the case in the United States. It is comprised, rather, of a series of Parliamentary acts, including the Bill of Rights, which became law in 1689, the Act of Settlement (1700-01), the Parliament Act (1911), various Representation of the People acts that extended voting rights, laws dealing with the structure of the court system, various local government acts, and many others. Because the British Constitution is, in a real sense, a product of Parliament, it can be amended by Parliament through the passage of ordinary laws. It is theoretically possible--though highly unlikely--that Parliament could by a simple law abolish freedom of the press or the right to trial by jury. If Parliament took such actions, there is no authority, including the courts, empowered to declare them unconstitutional. In terms of constitutional law, Parliament is the court of last resort.


The United States Constitution was produced at the Constitutional Convention held at Philadelphia in the summer of 1787. At the time the issue of whether the proposed Supreme Court should be allowed to deal with whether laws were or were not constitutional came up. There was a general sentiment against it and the Constitution, as finally written, included no specific means by which the constitutionality of laws or actions of government should be decided. It was apparently felt that the separation of the powers of federal government would be sufficient to guard against abuses of power by any one of its branches--the executive, legislative, and judicial.


Who should interpret the Constitution? The answer to this question was settled in 1803 by Chief Justice of the United States Supreme Court John Marshall (See below, "Judicial Review"), but the debate over it went on for some decades. Even before the Constitution was ratified, Alexander Hamilton wrote in the 'Federalist Papers' that "The courts were designed to be an intermediate body between the people and the legislature, in order, among other things, to keep the latter within the limits assigned to their authority." Thus, he claimed, if the legislature passes a law that violates the Constitution, it is the duty of the judges of the Supreme Court to disregard the law and follow the Constitution. This view of Hamilton's, which eventually became the doctrine of judicial review, had no specific support in the Constitution itself. Several years later Thomas Jefferson correctly noted that "there is not a word in the Constitution which has given that power [judicial review] to them [the Supreme Court] more than to the executive or legislative branches."

Jefferson believed that it was the privilege and responsibility of each branch to decide on the constitutionality of its own actions. He foresaw that "contradictory decisions may arise" but was certain that "the prudence of the public functionaries, and the authority of public opinion, will generally produce accommodation." Jefferson admitted that the point of view held by most Americans at the time was that the legislature alone should determine constitutionality. He was against giving this authority to the Supreme Court alone.


It was Hamilton's point that won the argument. And the man who established it by a series of brilliant judicial rulings was Marshall. It was he who brought to the Supreme Court the ultimate power of declaring federal and state laws invalid when the court decided they were not constitutional. This process by which American courts rule on the constitutionality of legislation and refuse to enforce laws that in their judgment violate the Constitution has come to be known as judicial review. The term applies not only to the work of the Supreme Court but to the rest of the federal court system and to state supreme courts.

Judicial review was itself a product of an 1803 judicial ruling in a case that has come to be regarded as a turning point in American constitutional history--Marbury vs. Madison. The case began in a political struggle. John Adams and his Federalist party had lost the election of 1800, and Thomas Jefferson was elected president. Just before he left office, Adams signed a large number of appointments for judges and justices of the peace. These new appointees were, like himself, members of the Federalist party. What Adams was trying to do, in effect, was pack the federal judiciary with Federalists so that at least one branch of the government would be in Federalist hands when Jefferson and his Democratic-Republicans took office. In the rush to get the appointment papers delivered at the last minute, the Federalists did not get them to some justices of the peace.

One appointee who had not received his appointment papers, William Marbury, sued the secretary of state, James Madison, in order to obtain them. He wanted the Supreme Court to issue an order (called a writ of mandamus) forcing the delivery. The chief justice was John Marshall, who had been secretary of state under Adams and was the man responsible for the delivery of the appointment papers in the first place. Marshall was a Federalist and no friend of Jefferson. The chief justice was in a predicament. If he signed a writ, there was little likelihood that Madison would honor it--the Supreme Court at that time did not have the great prestige it has today. On the other hand, if Marshall did not issue a writ, he would be surrendering to Jefferson and admitting that the Supreme Court was powerless.

Marshall's solution was brilliant. On the one hand, he declared that Madison was in violation of the law for refusing to deliver the papers. On the other, he ruled that the law under which the court should issue a writ of mandamus was unconstitutional. The law was the Judiciary Act of 1789, specifically Section 13, which stated that the court could issue writs to persons holding office under the authority of the United States. Marshall's reasoning was that the court did not have original jurisdiction, or authority, in such a case -- only appellate, or review, jurisdiction.

Behind Marshall's reasoning was a conviction that he held to in all of his later rulings: since the Constitution is the supreme law of the land, and since it is the duty of the Supreme Court to uphold the law, two things clearly follow. First, when a law is inconsistent with the Constitution, the Constitution must be followed. Second, without judicial review, a written constitution is futile as a means of limiting abuses of power by government.

Judicial review is a power the federal courts have used only rarely since Marbury vs. Madison. By the mid-1980s, only about 100 federal laws had been declared unconstitutional, and it was more than 50 years after Marbury before such a ruling was handed down again.

The courts exercise this power only when it is necessary to decide cases and controversies. They do not give advisory opinions to either the president or the Congress before or after the passage of laws. Furthermore, the Supreme Court begins its review of a case with the assumption that a legislature did not intend to violate the Constitution when it passed a given law. Thus the burden of proof always rests on the party who questions the validity of the law.

The Supreme Court also takes a strict view of who is allowed to raise constitutional questions before it. A party must have a direct and substantial interest at stake. Otherwise everyone who did not like a particular law would go to court to have it struck down.

Through judicial review the Supreme Court has become the primary interpreter of the Constitution. It has used this power to promote the steady growth of the federal government's authority and to make the Constitution the supreme law.


The cases cited here are but a few of the many significant ones that have come before the United States Supreme Court. Each has a fascinating story behind it and is well worth learning more about.

Trustees of Dartmouth College vs. Woodward (1819). In the summer of 1816 the legislature of New Hampshire had removed Dartmouth College's charter and given it a new one. The issue before the Court was whether a corporate charter was a contract. Chief Justice John Marshall ruled that it was and that, according to the Constitution, no state could impair the obligation of a contract. This decision had far-reaching effects. It freed corporations once and for all from state interference with their charters, and investors became more willing to invest in such enterprises. It thus directly promoted the growth of American corporate capitalism.

Gibbons vs. Ogden (1824). The New York legislature had granted a monopoly to Robert Livingston and Robert Fulton to operate steamboats in New York waterways. Part of these rights were later assigned to Aaron Ogden. A former partner of Ogden, Thomas Gibbons, entered the steamboat trade in violation of the monopoly, and a lawsuit began. When the appeal came before Chief Justice John Marshall, his opinion, based on an interpretation of the Commerce Clause of the Constitution, cast aside all similar monopoly laws and extended to Congress the regulation of all navigation on inland waterways that had to do with interstate commerce. This ruling permanently freed American commerce--not only steamboats but railroads and other communication-transportation forms--from hampering state laws that might hinder economic expansion and growth.

Plessy vs. Ferguson (1896). Homer A. Plessy was a Southern black man. In order to test Louisiana's segregation laws, he rode in train cars clearly marked "for whites only." He was arrested and convicted of breaking the law. He appealed to the Supreme Court and Justice Henry B. Brown ruled that "separate but equal accommodations" were constitutional. It was this decision that was overturned in 1954 in the famous case, Brown vs. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas. The Brown ruling by Chief Justice Earl Warren stated that separate but equal educational facilities were unconstitutional.

Baker vs. Carr (1962). This is the famous "one-man, one-vote" case. State legislatures have great freedom in redrawing the boundaries within the state that significantly affect the elections of representatives to state and federal houses of representatives. In farm states it has not been unusual for district lines to be drawn in such a way as to deprive cities and suburbs of full representation. The ruling by Justice William J. Brennan, Jr., found that this denies them equal protection of the law on the basis of the Equal Protection Clause of the 14th Amendment. His decision stated that federal courts could rule on whether states were unfairly depriving city and suburban voters of representation.

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